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Straussian Nihilism

9/8/2024

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Black and white photo of a man (leo strauss), with a illustrated children books of nazi youth cut-outs, some boys in uniform running, others standing befor an officer giving the sig heil salute.Picture
In Leo Strauss’ 1941 lecture on German Nihilism, he argues Nazism arose from a nihilism he defines as ultimately in opposition to modern civilization.  This was provoked by progressive educators who, instead of taking seriously the worries about the immorality and debasement of tradition that progressivism wrought, and reminding their pupils of the strengths of the past, merely chided them for insufficient appreciation of modernity.  But this was counter-productive.  It only reinforced their anxiety over loss of moral rootedness and the spiritual comfort found in transcending the individual for the glory of the state.  Instead of turning to the modern, “open society”, they saw only two paths – either the “closed society” of communism, or nihilistic destruction and war against civilization.
 
For the Open Society meant a state of disintegration, a denial of human nature (covered over by sly fictions), and moral respectability only to the extent society remained closed.  Closed Society on the other hand meant a flag to whom one might pledge an oath, the constant awareness of sacrifice and self-denial, known facts about human nature, and connection to the sublime.  Yet since the only path to the latter form of society they could see ended in communism (which they despised) they felt their only option was destruction.
 
Strauss finds much to fault these young Nazis.  He views them as naïve and errant in their thinking, failing to see beyond their current provincial predicament.  Writing in 1941, he had yet to witness just how devastating their plan would come to be.  With historical hindsight, he delivers one of maybe the most absurdly wrong statements written in the 20th century.  Of Hitler, “He will soon be forgotten.”  A better scholar than I might know better what provoked this grave miscalculation.  A Jew born in 1899, who lived in Germany until 1932, he no doubt grasped their virulent antisemitism (although one wonders why he mentions it only in passing “Their anti-Jewish policy does seem to be taken seriously by the Nazis.”), and may have had good reason to avoid grappling with its enormity.
 
But a better explanation might instead be that Strauss himself has strong reactionary sympathies.  He spends a good deal of the lecture laying out just how right the Nazis were about the moral depravity of progressivism.  While it is not mentioned, one hardly need to imagine what Strauss has in mind when he cites approvingly the Nazi critiques of modern civilization.  He argues that civilization is defined by science and reason, and dismisses non-western cultures:
“The term civilization designates at once the process of making man a citizen, and not a slave; an inhabitant of cities, and not a rustic; a lover of peace, and not of war; a polite being, and not a ruffian. A tribal community may possess a culture, i.e. produce, and enjoy, hymns, songs, ornament of their clothes, of their weapons and pottery, dances, fairy tales and what not; it cannot however be civilized.”
Strauss seems to be in agreement that progressivism is decadent and immoral, with its “planetary societies” devoted only to production and consumption, and above all else, an almost narcissistic devotion to individual rights and personal satisfactions.  While not mentioned in the lecture, Weimar Germany was known for its liberalism.  While maybe not quite tolerant, it at least seemed to look the other way at expanding views of traditional hierarchies of race, gender and class.  This fact could not have been lost on Strauss.
 
The basic claim of the piece is not that the Nazis were nihilist reactionaries, but that they were the wrong kind of reactionaries.  He suggests at the end that the British, being of a different temperament than the French who gave in to their progressive passions, and the Germans, who clung to a fanciful pre-modern ideal, were able to weather this predicament of modern civilization and its discontentedness.  He ends with the line, “it is the English, and not the Germans, who deserve to be, and to remain, an imperial nation.”  In evoking imperialism as something to be deserved, Strauss reminds us just where his real allegiances lie. 
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Abortion Thoughts

9/7/2024

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An old engraving, circa 1650, of a woman in a chair being prepared for an abortion, with a doctor to her right, an older man behind her left shoulder and a young man holding a saucer of water before her.  A woman looks on from the back of the room, which has various jugs and decorations around.

While the primary moral concern of abortion is bodily autonomy, pro-life supporters see it as secondary to the taking of an innocent life, which they view the fetus as being.
 
From the standpoint of persuasion - if one is so inclined - deflating the life issue would seem to me to do more to establish the violation of bodily autonomy perspective. 
 
Most abortion supporters have a very different view of how we ought to sacralize the fetus than pro-lifers do.  To step into the shoes of the latter, a pro-choicer might have to imagine a fully formed, thinking fetus – a kangaroo-child maybe, who could talk, cry, etc., but requires its mother for some sort of specialized sustenance.  My guess is nearly no one would be OK with the right of the parent to kill this child. 
 
OK, I realize that is preposterous.  But you can maybe just look at polling on late-term abortions, where if the child is viable and healthy, the parent ought not be allowed to terminate.  (I have complex thoughts on this personally, but I’ll save that for another day.). There is something to the notion of considering what stage of development grants the child protected status and a “right to life”.
 
This line of argument necessarily diminishes the absolute right of bodily autonomy, and given that most of the abortion debate is about non-viable babies, in a practical sense – given the ethical dance between parent and child rights - bodily autonomy would seem to lead. 
 
Maybe something like an ethical spectrum exists, with these two poles of the argument panning the distance: At moment of conception, the parent easily trumps a clump of cells, but then at moment of birth, the right of the child to life takes on far greater weight against parental autonomy.
 
This is all well and good if we take a developmental, sociological, scientific and non-religious view and design our moral concerns around when and how much the child can be sacralized.  But for most pro-lifers, the rubric is a highly religious and abstract structure.  Surely buried beneath this perspective is traditional hierarchies and patriarchal misogyny – at least as far as putting some very old fingers on the scale of reason.
 
But is that not fertile ground to tread?  By stepping past the autonomy argument – which itself rests to some degree on sacred considerations – we take the pro-life perspective head on.  Should they not be pushed on the assumptions behind their seemingly rock-solid stance that “all human life is sacred”?  One might then propose thought experiments, such as a burning clinic and you have to choose between a rack of 1000 frozen embryos and a 3-year-old child.  The clear answer to the question is the child, not the embryos.  The reasoning obviously following from developmental, sociological and scientific assumptions.  A fair rejoinder might be that while all life is sacred, when faced with a choice like that, it is reasonable to consider other means by which to establish the sacred which would include social, etc. elements.  Of course, the experiment is designed to bring these elements back into the picture and establish their moral weight as a legitimate consideration.
Another tack would be to examine the assumptions behind the pro-life view of sacralization.  What, beyond the social, developmental and scientific gives the fetus (or anyone for that matter) sacredness?  If it comes from a particular religious tradition, free speech comes into question, because in a pluralistic society we must agree on basic premises beyond religion for the obvious reason that we are not a theocracy and have religious (or non-religious) freedom.  How can you make a moral case for something that rests on your religious text when I don’t share the same text?  For this reason, religious pro-lifers tend to avoid direct argument from religion and focus instead on appeals to a vague sense of innocence, or social obligation.  Yet bringing it back to their religious assumptions, and foregrounding the social-scientific assumptions sheds a lot of light on the playing field of infant sacralization

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